Every national leader, scored across up to eight dimensions of tenure contribution — from governance and economy to politics and crisis response. Compare current form against the legacy they'll leave behind.
José Ramos-Horta is the President of Timor-Leste, from the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor.
How is José Ramos-Horta rated on NationsHelm?
José Ramos-Horta holds a weak Leadership Rating of 53 out of 100. It is a derived blend of sourced leadership dimensions — governance, communication, diplomacy and others — never an estimate.
What are José Ramos-Horta's strengths and weaknesses?
José Ramos-Horta's strongest leadership dimension is Institutional Integrity (72/100); the weakest is Economy (38/100), ranked from the leadership radar.
What challenges does José Ramos-Horta face?
The main pressures are economic pressure. Economy score of 38 indicates ongoing challenges with macroeconomic management in Timor-Leste.
How is José Ramos-Horta viewed internationally?
José Ramos-Horta has a Communication signal of 59/100 from GDELT media coverage and a Diplomatic Conduct score of 60/100.
Data coverage:107 Sourced·85 Derived|Scores refreshed: 2026-08-24·snap-20260824-c9f25cd0|Methodology:Reconstructable|Cite:How to cite
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Profile
Overall52.9as of 2026-08coverage 7/8
Role
President
Party
Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor
Term Started
2022-05
Government
Semi-Presidential Republic
Political Position
LeftFar LeftRight
V-Dem V-Party — economic left–right (v2pariglef, expert-coded), high confidence, party position coded 2018.
SourceWorld Bank + derived
A note the moment a prediction resolves — and when the record changes. Free.
Strongest on institutional integrity — sharpest weakness economy.
Briefing
The story
José Ramos-Horta, President of Timor-Leste, has a 53/100 Leadership Rating — a weak score. Their standout dimension is Institutional Integrity (72/100). In global media, their Communication signal reads 59/100 (high confidence), tracked from GDELT. The pressure to watch: Economic Pressure — Economy score of 38 indicates ongoing challenges with macroeconomic management in Timor-Leste.
The data & sources
The 53 rating is a derived blend of José Ramos-Horta's leadership dimensions, each computed from sourced public inputs — none estimated. Communication 59/100 derives from GDELT DOC tone, reach and message resilience (high confidence). Diplomatic Conduct 60/100 (medium confidence) — performance-under-test blend from directed GDELT events + UCDP. Governing-stability conditions score 70/100, renormalised over WGI, V-Dem and UCDP.
The risk read
For country-risk purposes, José Ramos-Horta's tenure reads as broadly stable: governing-stability conditions score 70/100. Crisis exposure 60/100 (Moderate exposure); response 46/100 (Fared worse than comparable crises). External conditions score 60/100 — the macro tailwind or headwind behind their tenure. For the full opportunity, market-pulse and resilience read, see Timor-Leste's nation page.
The strategic read
Governing conditions: stability 70/100, external conditions 60/100. Live pressures: economic pressure. The sharpest institutional vulnerability is Economy (38/100).
Communication Signal
59/ 100high confidence
Coverage tone42%78
Favourability of media coverage over the tenure (GDELT tenure-mean tone), cross-leader percentile
Media reach33%9
Media volume (GDELT tenure-median daily coverage) percentile, gated down when coverage is hostile
Message resilience25%54
Does tone / approval hold up when attention spikes vs. calmer periods (derived)
Reach is discounted to 54% of its raw percentile because tenure-mean coverage tone skews unfavourable — hostile attention isn't credited as positive reach.
Crisis
Exposure
60/ 100
Moderate exposure
Response
46/ 100
Fared worse than comparable crises
High confidence · 3 crisis years in mandate
Worst year (2022) — shock drivers
Economic contraction95
Political-stability decline0
Each is a global percentile: how this year's shock compares to every country-year on record. Disaster shocks are not yet sourced (no open-licensed annual series).
Sourced from 5 mandate-years (2022–2026), 3 of 4 shock components present; damage ranked against 440 comparable crises.
Outlook
Uphill
Can this leader deliver on its agenda?
Limited capability and a demanding environment point to a difficult tenure.
Source: Leadership Rating + structural context·Method: Derived (capability × context)·✓ ReconstructableⓘDerived from this leader's Leadership Rating, the country's structural context (difficulty, governing regime, political stability), time in office, and public approval where sourced. Computed, and updates as the data does. Full model on the Methodology page.
Leadership Radar
Tenure Contribution · to date
Uneven profile — 34-point spread from Institutional Integrity to Economy.
Country scores are blended with live World Bank data where available. Difficulty reflects the structural challenge of governing this nation — not the leader's individual performance.
Source: World Bank·Method: Unweighted average·✓ Reconstructable
Leadership Archetype
No distinct archetype
Uneven profile — 34-point spread from Institutional Integrity to Economy. No archetype rule matches that shape. This is a reading of the sourced stats — not a data gap.
SourceDerivedMethodRule-based classificationConfDeterministic✓ ReconstructableⓘArchetypes are derived automatically from the leadership stat profile — not hand-assigned. "No distinct archetype" means no classification rule matched; profile shape is assessed separately from the best-to-worst spread. A leader lacking enough sourced stats reads as "No data". A secondary archetype is added only when a stat scores exceptionally high.
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Method
Weighted average
ConfMedium
✓ Reconstructable
ⓘLeadership Rating measures change under the leader relative to global trends — a score near 60 means performance broadly matched the benchmark trajectory. It is a weighted average of up to eight dimensions, renormalised over the ones with sourced data (the coverage note beside the score says how many), and requires all four core dimensions — Governance, Economy, Politics and Institutional Integrity — to be sourced. Five use live World Bank indicators; the rest are derived from sourced signals (WIPO/Oxford/UNESCO, GDELT, World Bank + UCDP, survey data) where coverage exists. Diplomacy is a GDELT-derived engagement proxy, and anything unsourced shows as no data. Political position is V-Dem V-Party expert coding. Full weights on the Methodology page.
SourceGDELT DOC 2.0
MethodWeighted blend (42/33/25)
ConfHigh
✓ Reconstructable
ⓘA pure media-communication signal, blended from GDELT and renormalised over what's present: Coverage Tone (42%); Media Reach (33%, gated down when coverage is hostile); and Message Resilience (25%). Domestic approval is not counted here. Shown only where GDELT coverage exists. Full model on the Methodology page.
Diplomatic Conduct
60/ 10090% sourced · severity 8
Conduct 50 · Test Severity 8 → 60
Cooperative ratio20%87
Share of the country's international interactions coded cooperative vs conflictual
Restraint20%91
Inverse of net material force the country projects — armed-conflict events it initiates minus those it absorbs. Force projected abroad lowers it; being invaded does not
Coalition breadth15%9
How many distinct countries it cooperates with as initiator
Agreements & mediation15%15
Source
World Bank GDP + UCDP deaths (annual + Candidate GED) + WGI stability
ⓘCrisis Exposure measures how severely a leader was tested — a peak-biased aggregate of per-year shock severity (conflict intensity, economic contraction and political-stability decline vs. recent normal) over the mandate. It is context, not a verdict: high exposure is neither good nor bad on its own. Crisis Response measures how the country fared during its genuine crisis years relative to comparable crisis episodes worldwide — country-years hit with the same shock severity. Higher = less national damage than peers at that severity. Leaders who never faced a major shock are marked Untested rather than rewarded. Per country-year, real WB/UCDP/WGI shocks are winsorised and percentile-ranked into a ShockSeverity; Exposure is the peak-biased mandate aggregate. Crisis years (severity ≥ 60) score Response = 100 − damage percentile among comparable-severity crises worldwide, then severity-weighted over the mandate. Untested = no major shock (never rewarded). Absent components are reweighted, never filled.
Source: World Bank + derived·Method: Contribution·✓ ReconstructableⓘEach dimension measures change under the leader relative to global trends — how the indicator moved over their tenure, net of the world's move over the same window — not the country's absolute level. A score near 60 means performance broadly matched the benchmark trajectory; above = improved the country's standing, below = declined. Governance / Economy / Politics / Institutional Integrity from World Bank WGI, WDI and V-Dem trajectories; Vision from the country's innovation rank (WIPO patents + UNESCO tertiary), former leaders only (patents lag ~3 years); Crisis Response (World Bank + UCDP + WGI, an absolute response-quality scale) and Communication (GDELT) from tenure signals; Diplomacy (Diplomatic Conduct) is active-only. A tenure under six months, or an indicator whose series hasn't reached the term, shows as no data. Full model on the Methodology page.
Stewardship
Inherited-strength lens · separate from the rating
—
Governance
—
Politics
—
Integrity
—
Innovation
—
0 of 4 groups eligible and sourced
Source: World Bank WGI + V-Dem + derived·Method: Stewardship·✓ ReconstructableⓘMeasures whether strong institutions inherited at the start of the tenure were preserved, improved or eroded. It does not reward the leader for inheriting a strong country. A metric qualifies only when the inherited baseline was at least 75 on its normalized scale; the score is the world-net change over the tenure on the single public scale (60 = preserved relative to global movement). Requires two or more eligible sourced groups, the six-month tenure floor and a post-tenure-start observation — otherwise No data, never a zero. Weights mirror the current-form groups (gov 0.17 · pol 0.15 · int 0.08 · vis 0.09), renormalized over what is eligible and sourced.
Strengths & Weaknesses
Top Strengths
Institutional Integrity72
Perceived transparency and anti-corruption track record
Key Weaknesses
Economy38
Economic stewardship, growth, and macro stability
Crisis Response46
How the country fared in its genuine crisis years vs. comparable crisis episodes (higher = less damage than same-severity peers); Untested when no major shock. Test severity is tracked separately as Crisis Exposure
Governance
Current Challenges
Economic Pressurehigh
Economy score of 38 indicates ongoing challenges with macroeconomic management in Timor-Leste.
Source: Derived·Method: Rule-based·✓ ReconstructableⓘFlags challenges when a sourced dimension falls below the published benchmark band: any leadership dimension < 58 (severe < 48), Stability < 50, Crisis Exposure > 60, or regime continuity/legitimacy < 40 — plus an adverse Stability Trend, adverse External Conditions, or Severely Constrained / Extreme domestic context. Economy derives from World Bank indicators; Institutional Integrity from V-Dem's executive-corruption index (World Bank Control of Corruption as fallback); Communication from GDELT media reach, tone and resilience; Crisis Exposure and continuity from the stability blend. A low Communication signal can mean thin coverage OR wide-but-hostile coverage — the flag distinguishes the two.
Leadership Conditions
Government Stability
70
Low political violence · Legitimate transfers of power · Politically stable
ⓘ
Country scores are the unweighted average of scored World Bank indicators — the same model used on the nation's own page. Difficulty reflects structural constraints on governing this nation, independent of the current leader.
Mediating, negotiating and signing formal agreements as initiator (GDELT CAMEO)
Sanctions balance10%49
Sanctions the country imposes minus those imposed on it
Engagement volume10%15
Count of international diplomatic events — country-level
Media tone10%—
Favourability of foreign coverage of the leader on diplomacy — leader-level, low-weighted
Partial coverage: 90% of the formula's weight is currently sourced; the score renormalises over what's present. Remaining components appear as data lands.
SourceGDELT 2.1 Events + DOC APIMethodPerformance-under-test blend, severity-amplifiedConfMedium✓ ReconstructableⓘHow a head of state conducts themselves on the world stage, not how much activity their country generates. Blends cooperative ratio (20%), Restraint (inverse of net force projected, 20%), coalition breadth (15%), agreements & mediation (15%), sanctions balance (10%), engagement (10%) and leader media tone (10%), renormalised over available data. Test Severity (active conflict + conflictual share + sanctions received) amplifies the blend so conduct under fire moves the score more. Full model on the Methodology page.
48
State management and policy execution capacity
Source: Derived·Method: Ranked by stat value·✓ ReconstructableⓘUp to 5 strengths (dimensions scoring 70+) and 5 weaknesses (scoring 57 or below), ranked from the leadership radar. Dimensions in the 58–69 benchmark band appear in neither column. Descriptions are fixed per dimension and don't vary by country. Dimensions without a sourced signal show as no data. Full model on the Methodology page.
External Conditions
60
Neutral external conditions.
Stability breakdown
Political stability33%75
WGI Political Stability & Absence of Violence
Institutional strength22%40
WGI Rule of Law, Government Effectiveness & Control of Corruption
Continuity & legitimacy17%76
V-Dem political continuity and regime legitimacy
Violence & safety17%100
UCDP organized-violence deaths, population-scaled and inverted — prefers the fresh current-year UCDP-CED reading, else the finalized annual GED
Stability trend
Time in Office 51 months·Since 2022-05
Source: WGI · V-Dem · UCDP · trend·Method: Weighted blend·✓ ReconstructableⓘGovernment Stability blends six sourced signals, renormalised over what's available: WGI Political Stability (30%), institutional strength (20%), V-Dem continuity (15%), UCDP violence deaths (current-year UCDP-CED where available, else finalized annual GED, 15%), Fragile States social cohesion (10%) and the 3-year WGI trend (10%). External Conditions derives from a World Bank GDP-growth shock over the tenure.
