Every national leader, scored across up to eight dimensions of tenure contribution — from governance and economy to politics and crisis response. Compare current form against the legacy they'll leave behind.
SourceWorld Bank + derivedMethodWeighted averageConfMedium✓ ReconstructableⓘLeadership Rating measures change under the leader relative to global trends — a score near 60 means performance broadly matched the benchmark trajectory. It is a weighted average of up to eight dimensions, renormalised over the ones with sourced data (the coverage note beside the score says how many), and requires all four core dimensions — Governance, Economy, Politics and Institutional Integrity — to be sourced. Five use live World Bank indicators; the rest are derived from sourced signals (WIPO/Oxford/UNESCO, GDELT, World Bank + UCDP, survey data) where coverage exists. Diplomacy has no source yet, and anything unsourced shows as no data. Political position is V-Dem V-Party expert coding. Full weights on the Methodology page.
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Keiko Fujimori, President of Peru, has no composite Leadership score yet — too few dimensions have sourced data to compute one. In global media, their Communication signal reads 26/100 (high confidence), tracked from GDELT. The pressure to watch: Communication Deficit — Communication score of 26 — the leadership registers widely in the media, but its coverage skews unfavourable, so that reach isn't converting into positive o…
The data & sources
Keiko Fujimori carries no composite rating: too few dimensions have sourced data, so it renders as "No data" rather than a filled-in guess. Communication 26/100 derives from GDELT DOC tone, reach and message resilience (high confidence). Diplomatic Conduct — no country-level data; shown as "No data" rather than inferred. Governing-stability conditions score 59/100, renormalised over WGI, V-Dem and UCDP.
The risk read
For country-risk purposes, Keiko Fujimori's tenure reads as moderately stable: governing-stability conditions score 59/100. Crisis exposure 0/100 (Minimal exposure); response untested. For the full opportunity, market-pulse and resilience read, see Peru's nation page.
The strategic read
Governing conditions: stability 59/100. Live pressures: communication deficit and governance accountability. The sharpest institutional vulnerability is Communication (26/100).
Analyst OutlookAI · not a sourced score
claude-fable-5 · 2026-08-24
Cited, adversarially-verified forward analysis — every claim is sourced and survived a red-team. An LLM intelligence brief, not a sourced score, and never blended into this leader's ratings.
Keiko Fujimori won by 49,641 votes in a country that has fired eight presidents in ten years — and she is the first in a decade who cannot be fired, because the party that built Peru's vacancy machine now holds more than a third of the chamber that runs it.
The Consensus
Fujimorismo's restoration after 26 years: a president elected by 0.27 points, a 60% honeymoon built on a military-led crime crackdown, a pro-market cabinet, Washington's embrace — and the country's chronic vacancy machine waiting; the question pundits ask is whether she becomes the ninth president in eleven years to leave early, or the first with authoritarian instincts to consolidate.
Congress grants Fujimori delegated legislative powers on security by 2026-10-31 — but withholds at least one of the requested areas (tax or labour): she gets the gun, not the treasury.
AI · not a sourced score · claude-fable-5 · 3 cited sources · red-teamed · never blended into ratings
Wrong if no delegation law is promulgated by 2026-10-31, or if the law grants every area requested (security, MYPE, employment, administrative simplification, productive development, tax, state modernisation) without exclusion. by 2026-10-31
Confidence62%
Show the caseHide the case
Strongest counter — With 80% public support and a security emergency, Congress could simply grant the whole package — or, with 56 opposition seats and a runner-up who calls himself the government's 'worst nightmare', deny all of it. Survives because the bicameral filter has never been used, the opposition's cheapest way to show teeth is to strip the fiscal items while approving the popular security ones, and FP's own MEF has signalled it will litigate the 'costly laws' of the last Congress rather than legislate through it.
Favourability of media coverage over the tenure (GDELT tenure-mean tone), cross-leader percentile
Media reach33%10
Media volume (GDELT tenure-median daily coverage) percentile, gated down when coverage is hostile
Message resilience25%45
Does tone / approval hold up when attention spikes vs. calmer periods (derived)
Reach is discounted to 12% of its raw percentile because tenure-mean coverage tone skews unfavourable — hostile attention isn't credited as positive reach.
Crisis
Exposure
0/ 100
Minimal exposure
Response
Untested
Untested
Low confidence · no major shock in mandate
Worst year (2026) — shock drivers
Conflict intensity0
Each is a global percentile: how this year's shock compares to every country-year on record. Disaster shocks are not yet sourced (no open-licensed annual series).
Sourced from 1 mandate-year (2026–2026), 1 of 4 shock components present.
SourceWorld Bank GDP + UCDP deaths (annual + Candidate GED) + WGI stabilityMethodCountry-year shock severity · peer-relative damage
Leadership Radar
Tenure Contribution · to date
Uneven profile — 33-point spread from Vision to Communication.
Country scores are blended with live World Bank data where available. Difficulty reflects the structural challenge of governing this nation — not the leader's individual performance.
Source: World Bank·Method: Unweighted average·✓ Reconstructable
Leadership Archetype
No distinct archetype
Uneven profile — 33-point spread from Vision to Communication. No archetype rule matches that shape. This is a reading of the sourced stats — not a data gap.
SourceDerivedMethodRule-based classificationConfDeterministic✓ ReconstructableⓘArchetypes are derived automatically from the leadership stat profile — not hand-assigned. "No distinct archetype" means no classification rule matched; profile shape is assessed separately from the best-to-worst spread. A leader lacking enough sourced stats reads as "No data". A secondary archetype is added only when a stat scores exceptionally high.
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Key questions
Who is Keiko Fujimori?
Keiko Fujimori is the President of Peru, from the People's Force.
What challenges does Keiko Fujimori face?
The main pressures are communication deficit and governance accountability. Communication score of 26 — the leadership registers widely in the media, but its coverage skews unfavourable, so that reach isn't converting into positive or resilient communication signals.
How is Keiko Fujimori viewed internationally?
Keiko Fujimori has a Communication signal of 26/100 from GDELT media coverage.
Data coverage:107 Sourced·85 Derived|Scores refreshed: 2026-08-24·snap-20260824-c9f25cd0|Methodology:Reconstructable|Cite:How to cite
Spot an error?
SourceGDELT DOC 2.0
MethodWeighted blend (42/33/25)
ConfHigh
✓ Reconstructable
ⓘA pure media-communication signal, blended from GDELT and renormalised over what's present: Coverage Tone (42%); Media Reach (33%, gated down when coverage is hostile); and Message Resilience (25%). Domestic approval is not counted here. Shown only where GDELT coverage exists. Full model on the Methodology page.
Diplomatic Conduct
Awaiting data
No sourced diplomatic conduct yet. This proxy blends cooperative ratio, restraint, coalition breadth, agreements, sanctions balance, engagement and media tone — it populates once at least half its inputs are sourced.
ConfLow
✓ Reconstructable
ⓘCrisis Exposure measures how severely a leader was tested — a peak-biased aggregate of per-year shock severity (conflict intensity, economic contraction and political-stability decline vs. recent normal) over the mandate. It is context, not a verdict: high exposure is neither good nor bad on its own. Crisis Response measures how the country fared during its genuine crisis years relative to comparable crisis episodes worldwide — country-years hit with the same shock severity. Higher = less national damage than peers at that severity. Leaders who never faced a major shock are marked Untested rather than rewarded. Per country-year, real WB/UCDP/WGI shocks are winsorised and percentile-ranked into a ShockSeverity; Exposure is the peak-biased mandate aggregate. Crisis years (severity ≥ 60) score Response = 100 − damage percentile among comparable-severity crises worldwide, then severity-weighted over the mandate. Untested = no major shock (never rewarded). Absent components are reweighted, never filled.
Politics
—
Crisis Response
—
Vision
59
Communication
26
Institutional Integrity
49
Source: World Bank + derived·Method: Contribution·✓ ReconstructableⓘEach dimension measures change under the leader relative to global trends — how the indicator moved over their tenure, net of the world's move over the same window — not the country's absolute level. A score near 60 means performance broadly matched the benchmark trajectory; above = improved the country's standing, below = declined. Governance / Economy / Politics / Institutional Integrity from World Bank WGI, WDI and V-Dem trajectories; Vision from the country's innovation rank (WIPO patents + UNESCO tertiary), former leaders only (patents lag ~3 years); Crisis Response (World Bank + UCDP + WGI, an absolute response-quality scale) and Communication (GDELT) from tenure signals; Diplomacy (Diplomatic Conduct) is active-only. A tenure under six months, or an indicator whose series hasn't reached the term, shows as no data. Full model on the Methodology page.
Stewardship
Inherited-strength lens · separate from the rating
—
Governance
—
Politics
—
Integrity
—
Innovation
—
0 of 4 groups eligible and sourced
Source: World Bank WGI + V-Dem + derived·Method: Stewardship·✓ ReconstructableⓘMeasures whether strong institutions inherited at the start of the tenure were preserved, improved or eroded. It does not reward the leader for inheriting a strong country. A metric qualifies only when the inherited baseline was at least 75 on its normalized scale; the score is the world-net change over the tenure on the single public scale (60 = preserved relative to global movement). Requires two or more eligible sourced groups, the six-month tenure floor and a post-tenure-start observation — otherwise No data, never a zero. Weights mirror the current-form groups (gov 0.17 · pol 0.15 · int 0.08 · vis 0.09), renormalized over what is eligible and sourced.
Strengths & Weaknesses
Top Strengths
Key Weaknesses
Communication26
Public communication, oratory, and media presence
Institutional Integrity49
Perceived transparency and anti-corruption track record
Source: Derived·Method: Ranked by stat value·✓ ReconstructableⓘUp to 5 strengths (dimensions scoring 70+) and 5 weaknesses (scoring 57 or below), ranked from the leadership radar. Dimensions in the 58–69 benchmark band appear in neither column. Descriptions are fixed per dimension and don't vary by country. Dimensions without a sourced signal show as no data. Full model on the Methodology page.
Current Challenges
Communication Deficithigh
Communication score of 26 — the leadership registers widely in the media, but its coverage skews unfavourable, so that reach isn't converting into positive or resilient communication signals.
Governance Accountabilitymedium
Institutional Integrity score of 49 reflects persistent accountability pressures that constrain institutional effectiveness.
Weak Stability Trendmedium
Stability Trend of 36 indicates that the recent direction is a material pressure even when the broader stability level remains stronger.
Source: Derived·Method: Rule-based·✓ ReconstructableⓘFlags challenges when a sourced dimension falls below the published benchmark band: any leadership dimension < 58 (severe < 48), Stability < 50, Crisis Exposure > 60, or regime continuity/legitimacy < 40 — plus an adverse Stability Trend, adverse External Conditions, or Severely Constrained / Extreme domestic context. Economy derives from World Bank indicators; Institutional Integrity from V-Dem's executive-corruption index (World Bank Control of Corruption as fallback); Communication from GDELT media reach, tone and resilience; Crisis Exposure and continuity from the stability blend. A low Communication signal can mean thin coverage OR wide-but-hostile coverage — the flag distinguishes the two.
Keiko Fujimori — President, Peru (2026–present) | NationsHelm
ⓘ
Country scores are the unweighted average of scored World Bank indicators — the same model used on the nation's own page. Difficulty reflects structural constraints on governing this nation, independent of the current leader.
Leadership Conditions
Government Stability
59
Low political violence · Deteriorating trajectory · Legitimate transfers of power
External Conditions
—
No World Bank data for this tenure period.
Stability breakdown
Political stability33%55
WGI Political Stability & Absence of Violence
Institutional strength22%43
WGI Rule of Law, Government Effectiveness & Control of Corruption
Continuity & legitimacy17%63
V-Dem political continuity and regime legitimacy
Violence & safety17%100
UCDP organized-violence deaths, population-scaled and inverted — prefers the fresh current-year UCDP-CED reading, else the finalized annual GED
Stability trend11%36
3-year direction of the WGI stability score
Time in Office 1 month·Since 2026-07
Source: WGI · V-Dem · UCDP · trend·Method: Weighted blend·✓ ReconstructableⓘGovernment Stability blends six sourced signals, renormalised over what's available: WGI Political Stability (30%), institutional strength (20%), V-Dem continuity (15%), UCDP violence deaths (current-year UCDP-CED where available, else finalized annual GED, 15%), Fragile States social cohesion (10%) and the 3-year WGI trend (10%). External Conditions derives from a World Bank GDP-growth shock over the tenure.